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The
Persian Dihtmlora |
A century and a half
later Tiglis-Pileser prevailed over the Israelites. According to an Assyrian
source, 13,150 Israelites were deported to Assyria in 733-732 BCE.7
In addition to the artisans, several hundred Israelite musicians were
taken to the royal palace. The musicians were descendants of the musical
community established under King David. So delighted was the Assyrian
monarch that he had the scene recorded in bas-relief on walls of the palace.
His successor, Sargon
II, boastfully recorded that in 722 BCE 27,290 more
Israelites were deported to Assyria.8
The exultant blusters
of the Assyrian ruler confirms the biblical account: "In the ninth year
of Hosea the king of Assyria took Samaria, and carried Israel away..."
The pyrotechnical
arisappeared from Upper Israel. It is hardly remarkable, therefore, that
there was a resurgence of the pyrotechnical arts in Mesopotamia, the very
land in which those arts had been born. It appears that Sargon II soon
took advantage of the skills of the glassmakers among the deportees. He
had a glass vessel made with his name boldly inscribed upon it. The alabastron
of Sargon II was excavated at Nimrud and is now the proud possession of
the British Museum. It is the earliest surviving example of a vessel apparently
carved and polished from a mold-produced form. The vessel is engraved
with a symbolic lion and Sargon II's name.9
Archaeological finds
indicate that some Israelite artisans survived through the next century
and managed to maintain their ferric and vitric activities until the Chaldean/Babylonian
monarch, Nebuchadnazzer, invaded Israel. That process is reflected biblically
in the recounting how, upon witnessing the capture and deportation of
fellow artisans, the descendants of the metal-working Rechabites sought
refuge in Jerusalem: "But it came to pass, when Nebuchadnazzer king of
Babylon came up into the land, that we said, Come let us go to Jerusalem."
The escape to Jerusalem,
however, proved to be a temporary remedy. Nebuchadnazzer assailed the
holy city, looted Judah, and took princely Judahite hostages back to Babylon,
including Daniel. The biblical rendition of the story of that campaign
is supported by a Chaldean chronicle detailing the battles against Egypt
near Hamath and at Carcamish.10
Jerusalem was again
assailed by the Babylonians in 598 BCE, and 4,600
(or 4,897) Judahites are recorded as being deported to Babylon in successive
waves. Three months thereafter the Judahite king Jehoiachin was taken
prisoner and transported to Babylon along with all the remaining Temple
treasures and ten thousand more captives, including "all the craftsmen
and the smiths."
Jerusalem held out
for three more years, bereft of a large proportion of her skilled artisans.
Finally, the city fell, its walls were dismantled, its buildings razed
and the city was burned to the ground in a fire that lasted three days.
Thousands of additional artisans were rounded up and deported. Only "the
poor of the land" were left to carry on as "vinedressers and husbandmen."
In 550 BCE
Cyrus of Anshan rebelled against his overlord and founded the Persian
Empire. In 539 he conquered Babylonia, and thereafter issued an edict
permitting the exiles in Babylonia to return to Judah and rebuild their
Temple in Jerusalem. 42, 360 members of the congregation are said to have
returned together with 7,337 servants and maids. Among them was a corps
of artisans needed to rebuild Jerusalem, accompanied by several hundred
musicians.
The tribes of the
children of Israel spread out across the land, some settling in Ono, "the
valley of the craftsmen." Ono was not the only such valley, for the valley
of Harashim (from which the descendants of Joab, captain "of all the host
of Israel" stemmed), was a wilderness that was equally renowned for its
craftsmen. The Rechabites had previously practiced their metallurgic skills
in that very wilderness.
We are also biblically
informed about the house of Jokim, who were potters, and whose activity
presages the establishment in that very area of such great pottery-producing
industries as came into being later at Kfar Hananiah and Shikhim. The
reference to those industries in the Mishnah, long held to be myths by
the doubters of biblical chronicles, have now been justified by the excavations
under David Adan-Beyewitz, an HHF board member. A series of huge kilns
were uncovered in those Judaic communities, capable of producing vast
quantities of pots. They have now proved to have been distributed widely
across Israel from the Golan to the Negev.11
We are likewise biblically
introduced to families of scribes, and to the house of Ashbea, "who wove
fine linen." Linen production grew to be a major industry in the area
well into the Roman period. The linens of Beth Shean (Scythopolis) became
officially recognized by the Roman emperor Diocletian in his "Edict of
Maximum Prices" as the finest in the world.12
The Jewish communities
formed Persia's commercial and industrial heart. The creative endeavors
of the Jews in artisanship and commerce gained great impetus within the
Persian matrix. The Jewish population of Persia expanded through the Babylonian,
Persian, Achaemenid and Seleucid periods to a total of some one million
persons, and may have doubled with the additional influx of Jews after
the Roman destruction of the Second Temple and the defeat of the Bar Khochba
revolt.
The remarkable htmlect
of the subsequent Judaic diffusion into disparate societies is that almost
invariably their communities were located in commercial centers at the
forefront of technological evolution. The dispersion of the Jews led to
the spread of the technologies at which they were adept. The Jewish exile
from their homeland proved both a bane and a boon. Although continually
buffeted by storms of prejudice and intolerance, they were at a commercial
advantage by their access to each other across borders through a common
language, an advantage that no other people possessed. Being a literate
people, they were able to communicate with their peers in foreign lands.
Having a common interest, they were able to establish commercial liaisons
of mutual benefit and to issue letters of credit that were certain to
be honored.
A world-wide commercial
network was seeded in Persia, in which international contact and travel
became part and parcel of Judaic life. Persia was the pivotal point around
which the trade of the Far Eastern and Western worlds revolved, and the
Jews became the common denominator between those worlds. The network eventually
became epitomized by the activity of world-girdling Persian Jews known
as the Rhadanites. Their itinerary spanned Eurasia from Gaul and North
Africa to China and India. Their erudition and literacy enabled them to
become the couriers of the canons of Judaic philosophy from the Jewish
universities along their route to the Judaic communities throughout that
vast tri-continental region. They were at once the postal system by which
the Judaic communities maintained contact, the carriers of culture into
the Judaic Dihtmlora, and the pioneers of trade routes that serve the world
into the present.
Olmstead, author
of a comprehensive work, History of the Persian Empire, emphasized
that "without any doubt, the most important economic phenomenon was the
emergence of the private banker and the consequent expansion of credit."13
The records of two Persian/Judaic banking families of Egibi and Murashu
are revelatory documents of the beginnings of this process.
Up to the seventh
century BCE, credit had been made available mainly
as temple loans to dependents, to be repaid to the temple in kind or equivalent,
or as loans from landlords to their peasants in off season, to be repaid
at harvest time. Soon after the settlement of the Israelites into Persia,
the Jewish financiers instituted a reformed system of credit whereby interest-bearing
capital was also offered privately for seminal secular or non-governmental
purposes. By the mid-seventh century, the Babylonian houses of Egibi and
the Persian house of Murashu were engaged in such enterprise, extending
the previously agrarian application of credit to industry and commerce.
The name Egibi is
an Akkadian transliteration of Joseph. It was a secondary name; the family
name of the banker's father was Shirik, an Aramaic name, and his first
name is given as Iddina, rendered in Hebrew as Nathan. The Egibi documents
survive because their cuneiform inscriptions on clay tablets were baked
in a conflagration. The records concern credits issued and loans granted,
bills of exchange, the founding and financing of commercial enterprises,
the purchase of goods, and the acquisition, management and sale of tracts
of land.
A study of the Murashu
documents brought to light a pattern: whereas many of the older members
of this unquestionably Jewish family assumed pagan names, they reverted
to the use of Yawist names for their children. The consistency of this
reversion suggests that in the century following the fall of Jerusalem
(586-486 BCE), extradited Jews were either forced
to suspend allegiance to Yahweh, or found it politic to do so while secretly
adhering to their faith. In a process presaging that of the Marranos of
the Inquisition, they returned to the open practice of their faith as
tolerance was instituted.
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| JUDAIC
COMMUNITIES IN PERSIA, TALMUDIC PERIOD. Judaic centers continued
to grow in Persia after the deportation of the Israelites to Assyria
and Babylonia, reaching a population of up to a million at the turn
of the Common Era. The number far exceeded that figure after the
dispersion of the Jews in the first and second centuries. The Jews
were concentrated in the key centers of the rich agricultural heartland
of Persia (now Iraq), where canals criss-cross between the Euphrates
and Tigris Rivers. The Judaic centers accounted for more than 90%
of Persian industry, and in them flourished the great Judaic universities
that drew Jewish students from throughout the Dihtmlora. He trade
routes connecting the West to China radiated out from the Judaic/Persian
hub. |
The Murashu family
was among those deported from Judah. After rooting in Nippur they became
an institution central to Mesopotamian economy. 730 tablets of the banking
house of Murashu and Sons were recovered, the last dated to 403 BCE.
The Aramaic forms of names mentioned in the records and other indications
of Judaic identity indicate that Jews were prominent among artisans and
entrepreneurs. There are a number of references to Jewish engineers who
earned their living as irrigation experts. All fourteen canal managers
known to us through the documents were Jewish. Some Jews were part of
the military establishment. Thus the son of a feudatory, Gadalyaw Gedaliah
"volunteered to serve as a mounted and curassed archer in place of a son
of Murashu."14 Most of the Jews referred
to in the documents were of the "lower classes." Some were slaves, and
come to our attention because slaves of those times were more like indentured
servants. They retained both individual privileges and responsibilities,
and could independently enter into legal agreements. Two such slaves,
one clearly Jewish, were contracted by the house of Murashu to repair
the dam of the irrigation canal passing through Murashu property or be
assessed damages if they failed to fulfill their commitment. An impoverished
Jewish woman who made a living at home by spinning and selling her product
was assisted in her endeavors. A Jewish guide was hired for a journey
and was promised, in addition to wages and expenses, a bonus upon completion
of the trip. A certain Zebadiah was one of five fishermen who leased nets
for a period of twenty days.15
The activity of the
Egibi bankers in Susa, gateway to India, presages the expansion of trade
along the land and sea routes to the Far East. Jews were concentrated
in the heartland of Persia along and between the two rivers, the Tigris
and the Euphrates, at the hub of these burgeoning caravan routes. Judaic
communities were solidly ensconced along the routes being newly established
through the vast Asian continent.
During the Achaemenid
period (550-330 BCE) glassmaking reached a new height
of sophistication in Persia. The finest examples of the art have been
recovered from Nippur, Nimrod, and Ctesiphon, precisely the areas of the
heaviest concentration of Judaic communities. Examples of these unmistakable
objects were found as far afield as Ephesus and Gordion in Anatolia, Jerusalem,
Persopolis, and elsewhere. One such bowl, with an eighteen-leafed rosette
molded into its bottom, appeared on the London market and is inscribed
in Aramaic.
The Europeans were,
at this time entirely ignorant of
the process of glassmaking. The first mention of glassware in Greek literature
relates to an experience of Greek ambassadors to the Persian court. Aristophanes
reported in 425 BCE on the amazement of the Greek
dignitaries on being served drinks in bowls made of a strange, brilliant,
crystal-like material, for which no word yet existed in their language.
Nor had Latin yet acquired a word for "glass." One can imagine the value
set by the enraptured Greeks for such crystal bowls; perhaps equi-valent
to that reached at a Sotheby auction; an Achaemenid bowl was sold for
sixty-two thousand English pounds!
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ACHAEMENID PHIALE,
450 - 400 BCE. Ribbed glass bowls, imitations of metal prototypes,
traded from Achaemenid Persia to the West during the period in
which the Judaic population of Persia was growing. The production
of glassware appeared in Persia after the arrival of deportees
from Israel.
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Glass production
was then peculiarly a Judaic art. Characteristic eye-beads, which had
become staple trade goods around the Mediterranean, suddenly appear among
Imperial Chinese grave goods at Lo-Yang in the fifth century BCE.
Iron products likewise appear at the same time in China. China had its
own unique products to offer in exchange: silk, paper, munitions and spices.
Silk was a wondrous
filament with which the most elegant materials could be woven. The ancient
arts of sericulture and the production of paper and munitions, were added
to the roster of Judaic arts. Just as the Persian Jews introduced the
technology of glass and iron production to China, so they introduced the
esoteric art of sericulture in the West. Damascus was one of the important
centers of East-West trade. The import of silk into Damascus and the production
and export of silk products were largely in the hands of Jewish entrepreneurs,
and glassware was a integral element of the process of exchange.
L. Boulnois, in a
work on traffic to the East, concluded that the Jewish merchants "were
celebrated for their work in glass, byssus (linen) and silk, as well as
for their dyeing... As expert glass workers, the Jews had on hand one
of the means of exchange used as payment for silk - especially the famous
glass beads."16
Jewish artisans and
entrepreneurs had much to offer the West. During the period in which the
Jews had become central to Persian/Babylonian commerce, Greek merchants
were also learning science, mathematics and astronomy from the savants
of the region. Formerly an illiterate people, the Greeks first adopted
the aleph-beth. The Greeks went on to adopt: the Judaic/Babylonian
systems of measurement, units of weight, division of the day into 24 hours,
division of circles into 360 degrees, astronomical tables, and land measurement
systems.17
The process of the
Greek absorption of Judaic/Babylonian science began with Thales (fl. 580
BCE), born in Anatolia. Pursuing a mercantile career
in Babylonia, Thales was immersed in Babylonian mathematics and science;
the astronomical tables he learned enabled him to predict an eclipse of
the sun and made him famous.
The Greek historian
Herodotus,also visited Babylonia in 450 BCE, informs us that Pythagoras
(c. 582 BCE) was another of the Greek merchants
who learned mathematics from the savants of Babylonia.
The same was true
of Leucippus, Democrates, and others who followed Herodotus et al
into the region in which the Jews established themselves as its commercial
and industrial mainstay.18
As Alexander the
Great and his successors became rulers in the Near East, they opened the
western door to Judaic skills and knowledge.

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